Showing posts with label Economics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Economics. Show all posts

Monday

How Peter Orszag Can Save the Economy and Why Americans Don't Care

Enter Peter Orszag. At first appraisal, he appears perhaps a little bland, an unassuming fellow really, with a bookish air. Upon closer inspection, the intellectual aspect is only strengthened, though by no means are we dealing here with the absent minded professor - quite the opposite. Indeed, he's all sharp wit and bustle of energy, like one of those high school track star valedictorians, Orszag (a marathoner, who runs 35 minutes every morning) combines gymnast-like athleticism with scholastic vigor. And this rather unremarkable, yet exceptional man is the current director of the Office of Management and Budget, and holder of one of the most important cabinet positions in the Obama administration. It's his job to crunch the numbers, to make sure they make sense, and to conjure up the genie of fiscal responsibility while formulating a budget that meets all of the many ambitious goals his boss has set for the country.

And he does it with style. Look here how he adds a pinch of irreverence to the stultifying hum drum of statistics:

We often hear about people who are unlucky in love, but what of those who are unlucky in the business cycle? What is the impact of being born two decades before a significant economic downturn, such that you graduate from college and enter the labor force in the middle of a period of high unemployment?


The cliche about numbers speaking for themselves is almost always a half truth, conveniently disguising the unglamorous work of statisticians, the unsung heroes of the modern age. Even so, the figures Orszag provides are all too plain. The immediate after-effect of entering the labor market is to experience a 6 to 7 percent decline in wages for each 1 percent increase in the unemployment rate. And of course, the maelstrom provoked by the confluence of banking collapse and real estate fizzle hasn't caused a mere 1 percent rise in unemployment, but more like five times that since the start of the troubles. So, as any precocious grade school student could calculate, we're dealing with something more like a decline in wages of 30 to 35%. What's worse, the differential in wages received is cloyingly persistent even after national employment levels resume their average trend, and only gradually declines over the subsequent 15 years after graduation. Which is to say, that well into middle age, today's Facebook generation of college graduates will make less money each year than they otherwise would have enjoyed, all because of the recession.

Yet, somehow, amid the gloomy figures and murky forecasts, we hear voices emanating not only from Washington or Wall Street, but from Main Street and public opinion pollsters, that the Federal Government's efforts towards an economic stimulus have gone too far. From near and far, from heartland Senators to irate talk radio callers, a new awareness of deficits, dormant over the previous eight years, has been reawakened at just the least appropriate moment. Alas, in the public consciousness, the Troubled Asset Relief Program (initiated, remember, in the waning days of the Bush administration) and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, the first major initiative of the Obama presidency, are conflated into one big bugaboo. It's the terror underneath all our beds, that we might easily call either "socialism" or "bank bailout", depending on one's darkest fears. This is revealed all too well, in a recent Rasmussen poll revealing that 51% of Americans hold the fanciful belief that halting the stimulus would produce more jobs than continuing with the program. In other words, a majority of the public subscribes to the view that just at the moment when the private sector is at it's most anemic and while one-tenth of consumers are unemployed, the public sector should also be contracted, just for the sake of decency.

Unfortunately for John Q. Public, this is not an opinion widely shared amongst economists. No, frustrating though it may be, in the search for classic villains in black hats, the federal government doesn't hold the smoking gun in this recession. How could it, when the downturn preceded any response by the Federal Reserve or the major two responsible branches in Washington? Indeed, when three major financial forecasting companies were surveyed by the New York Times, there was a firm consensus: the stimulus has helped turn a great depression into a bad recession. It's worth looking at these figures in full:



What's immediately apparent, is that absent the federal stimulus, the national economy would still have been in negative growth through most of 2009, and possibly well into 2010. Moreover, unemployment would have been anywhere from 1 to 2 percent higher than it is today: which is to say that we could have been looking now at a 12.2% jobless rate. And to be clear, this is only taking into account the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, not the many other measures the government has taken, including TARP, since the Soviet-like collapse of Lehman Brothers back in the frenzied campaign days of September, 2008.

But, we seem to have forgotten poor Peter Orszag. Increasingly, as the bulk of the stimulus funds are dispersed, his purview has been shifting towards health care reform. And as the deficit hawks in Congress have begun to circle overhead, he's found it necessary to justify and explain the expansion of insurance coverage in terms of it being fiscally neutral. This is in keeping with the tenor of the times. The talk, just a year ago, of an Obama New Deal is now a historical curiosity. Indeed, it will fall to historians of a future age, pouring through the electronic archives and speaking at colloquia on the Great Recession, to determine how it was that precisely at the moment when great, concerted national action was most required, the American people shrugged their shoulders, and redoubled their efforts to suffer through the crisis in private.

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Tuesday

Building the Smart Grid: The Burden of Following Through on Campaign Promises



The expiration of the newspaper is not an entirely salutary event. Any time three centuries of tradition reach their terminus, thoughtful observers have to take notice. Even so, it's apparent that the violent displacement of the newspaper for the online journal has it's virtues: for one thing, the printed word was an all to static medium. It used to be that members of the cognoscenti would whisper about particular events caught on film, without ever necessarily having witnessed them. Have you seen Eisenhower's farewell address, his "military-industrial complex" speech? How about Lyndon Johnson's notorious Daisy ad? Today, thankfully, such audio-visual artifacts are as accessible as any speech transcript these venerable figures have left us.

Though not quite of the same historical caliber, then Senator Obama's interview with Rachel Maddow, just days before his election, is a case in point. After being prodded with a particularly provocative question: whether the U.S. should institute an FDR style public works program, Obama surprisingly answered in the affirmative:

One of the most frustrating things over the last eight years has been the ability of George Bush to pile up debt and huge deficits and not have anything to show for it, right? So, if you're going to run deficit spending, then it better be in rebuilding our roads, our bridges, our sewer lines, our water system, laying broadband lines.

One of, I think, the most important infrastructure projects that we need is a whole new electricity grid. Because if we're going to be serious about renewable energy, I want to be able to get wind power from North Dakota to population centers, like Chicago. And we're going to have to have a smart grid if we want to use plug-in hybrids then we want to be able to have ordinary consumers sell back the electricity that's generated from those car batteries, back into the grid. That can create 5 million new jobs, just in new energy.



This was the soon-to-be President at his most ambitious, seemingly standing astride history, all but declaring the era of small government over, and announcing the arrival of a new New Deal. But, as we've seen in the case of expanding the broadband network, grandiloquent rhetoric is no substitute for the dry business of budgeting enough federal dollars to make an appreciable impact. Well, then, how about the case Obama seems to highlight here, the need to develop a new smart electricity grid? Is the administration providing the fiscal capacity to tackle this particular element of our national infrastructure? For that matter, what is a smart grid?

Essentially, a smart grid is the result of information technology being integrated into the power system, that is to say, the creation of something like an energy internet. A combination of digital meters and sensors would allow for the more efficient allocation of energy. For example, instead of paying fixed rates for electricity, "dynamic pricing" would allow consumers to pay less during periods of low demand, such as at night. Real-time information about power consumption would allow individuals to modify their usage, also depending upon overall demand. The reverse is true as well: utilities would gain the ability to signal households to reduce consumption during periods of high energy usage. With this type of two-way communication, blackouts like the massive 2003 outage that shutdown the Northeast would be much less likely to occur in the future.

This same ability to modify electricity demand makes a smart grid amenable to renewable sources of energy. One of the characteristics that have made solar and wind energy problematic is the fact that they're inherently unpredictable. A series of cloudy or windless days would necessarily put a damper on any power system dependent upon these sources. Again, however, a smart grid would be capable of adjusting demand in response to these sorts of vagaries of God and nature, and thus would make it more economical to expand the use of renewable energy. Moreover, a new system of long-distance high voltage lines would be able to transport electricity from states with extensive wind farms, to larger population centers. This isn't the only aspect of modernizing the energy grid that's environmentally friendly. In the future, individuals would be able to sell energy back onto the market, for example from residential solar panels or from energy stored in hybrid electric cars. In other words, by the most optimistic forecasts, the smart grid offers up a green vision of a society rationally allocating electricity where it's needed, shedding it where it's not, and developing an ever-greater reliance upon renewable sources of energy.

That's the promise, anyway. What can we say about our government's dedication to shaping it into reality? Almost exactly a year after the Maddow interview (and since the election), the President provided an answer: $3.4 billion in federal stimulus grants to 100 different projects across the country. The funds award a veritable grab-bag of recipients including cities, utilities, private firms, and manufacturers and will cover the installation of 18 million smart meters, 700 automated substations, and 200,000 new transformers. It all sounds impressive, emblematic of a shift to a can-do spirit in America, of public-private partnerships, of synergy between corporations and government to rebuild the country and make it competitive into the 21st century. There's just one small problem: Uncle Sam isn't providing enough money to make it happen.

To put matters in perspective, it's useful to look abroad. The first major smart grid initiative, the Telegestore project, was installed by the Italian utility Enel over a five year period ending in 2006. Today the system covers 30 million Italians at a cost of 2.1 billion euros (or about $2.5 billion at the time). Now, this is a not insignificant investment in a country like Italy, with a little less than 60 million people. It becomes rather less impressive in a superpower of over 300 million. And of course, the Telegestore system is not even a fully comprehensive national grid to begin with. How much would such a unified national smart grid cost in America? Former Vice President Al Gore's group Repower America put the price tag for such a network at $400 billion. Meanwhile, the industry consultancy the Brattle Group estimated that rebuilding the grid would require an investment of $900 billion over twenty years. In other words, what the administration is undertaking amounts to a very significant symbolic gesture, or a modest, though encouraging beginning, but not much more.

And those 5 million jobs that Obama promised from building a smart grid a year ago? In his speech detailing the federal grants, that figure shrunk to "tens of thousands" of jobs created or saved.

So, with regards to the smart grid, as with investments in broadband, or in high-speed rail, or for that matter when dealing with health care reform, the problem facing America isn't so much that of misplaced priorities in Washington anymore, as of insufficient commitment. A green New Deal could, in theory, rebuild our infrastructure, employ millions, and emerge as the basis for a new wave of industrialization in this country. But, this will only happen if the dollars appropriated for these ends begin to match the soaring scope of the rhetoric that we've become so addicted to.

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Monday

How America Can Improve Broadband Access and Speed: Lessons from Australia


Sometime in the twilight decades of the twentieth century, as our avowed allies caught up with and sometimes outpaced us economically, a new cottage industry arose in America. It went something like this: you would first name a particular field of achievement, like science and math education, health care, public transportation, or state infrastructure. Next, you'd roll out a profusion of statistics, all demonstrating with startling unanimity that the United States was fast falling behind it's peers in the industrialized world.

The latest episode in this ongoing drama concerns America's lackluster position in worldwide rankings for broadband connections. In the most recent OECD statistics, the U.S. has stagnated at 15th place in terms of overall broadband penetration. Moreover, our internet connection speeds are relatively sluggish, with an average download rate of 5.1 Mbps: the populations of South Korea, Japan, Sweden, Denmark and Norway all have much wider access to fast fiber-based connections.

The Great Recession offered an opportunity for expanding broadband access in this country. Unfortunately however, The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (otherwise known as the stimulus bill) includes only $7.2 billion dollars spread out over several years for this purpose, with a focus on serving rural hinterlands and Indian reservations. This isn't nearly enough.

Australia provides a striking alternative model of how a geographically large and relatively sparsely populated country, can make a long-term investment in broadband. Over the next eight years, Kevin Rudd's Labor government is going to spend an extraordinary $31 billion dollars (or $43 billion AUS) on providing a nationwide fiber optic broadband network. Fully 90% of Australian homes, including those in remote outback settlements will be linked into the network, with the remainder being offered wireless connections. Most importantly, because the main network will be fiber optics based, it will provide extremely fast 100 Mbs download speeds.

To put this in perspective, the United States is about 15 times larger, by population, than Australia. So, by at least this crude measurement, a comparable broadband development program here would require an unbelievable $465 billion dollars, or almost half a trillion dollars. Of course, this is misleading because we would benefit from economies of scale, and from the fact that the continental U.S. is about the same size as Australia. Nevertheless, this provides some perspective on at least this one small portion of the stimulus bill, and how in reality the U.S. is spending much less per capita on infrastructure than even relatively conservative countries like Australia.

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